l.fpHAf11  f 

OF  4HF 

.V;  ' 


Philosopliy  of  Trade  Onions. 


An  Essay  Devoted  to  the  Interests  of  the 
Thousands  who,  in  the  Daily  Struggle 
for  Labor’s  Rights,  do  Battle 
for  the  True  Freedom  of 
the  Human  Race. 


By  Dyer  D.  Bum, 


PRICE 


lO  Cents, 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE 

AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR, 

14  Clinton  Place,  NEW  YORK  CITY. 


JULY  1,  1892 


12-' '3  frccm  . LX  Wj5- 


I. 

Philosophy!  Lord  bless  us! 
Have  we  not  enough  to  do  to 
make  both  ends  meet,  and  scant 
time  enough  to  read  the  papers, 
without  bothering  our  he  ads  about 
'philosophy  ? Such  time  as  we  may 
have  for  reading,  we  want  mental 
rest,  recreation,  rather  than  ab- 
stract thought — ! Yes,  so  say  or 
think  thousands  and,  like  their 
fathers  before  them,  keep  on  in 
the  narrow  rut  trod  for  them. 
Yet,  and  it  is  a hopeful  sign, 
hundreds  are  beginning  to  think. 
Both  over  the  bench  and  in  hours 
of  rest,  the  active  mind  will  ask  it- 
self questions,  and  seeks  to  under- 
stand the  reason  of  the  relations 
in  which  it  finds  itself. 

We  have  had  philosophies  of 
religion — by  the  ton,  but  they  no 
longer  concern  us.  We  feel  that 
they  are  ‘‘back  numbers” — past 
year’s  almanacs — in  this  world  of 
active  relations.  The  questions 
they  propound  do  not  touch  us; 
they  seem  suited  for  another  at- 
mosphere than  that  of  the  shop. 
Our  Hereafter  is  undoubtedly  as 
important  as  the  Here — when  we 
get  there;  but  the  prosaic  fact  of 
“bread  and  butter”  concerns  us 
mainly  just  at  present.  “Christ 
and  a crust”  may  involve  hap- 
piness, but — we  don’t  hanker  after 
it.  We  put  all  such  studies  back 
on  the  top  shelves  where  they 
stand  dust-covered — their  day 
seems  past. 

Philosophies  of  government  have 
no  charm,  unless  they  touch  our 


Trade  Onions. 


vital  interests.  It  may  be  grossly 
materialistic,  but  still  our  vitals 
dominate  in  shop-life.  The  Church 
having  passed  from  our  lives  as 
an  active  force,  will  its  successor 
— the  State — serve  us?  There  we 
are  more  interested  and  our  vitals 
warm  up  somewhat  and  we  dream 
theoretical  dreams ! Yet  still  we 
are  not  satisfied.  Abstract  theories 
about  suffrage,  constitutions,  re- 
presentation, limits  of  executive 
and  legislative  powers,  do  not 
seem  to  fit  in  with  Trade-Union 
work.  In  fact  as  Unions  grow, 
these  fade.  What  the  Church 
won't  do  we  know.  What  the 
State  might  do  is  a vexed  puzzle. 
What  we  can  do  is  more  vital. 
And  herein  lies  the  philosophy  of 
Unionism. 

The  philosophy  of  any  state  of 
action  is  its  reason,  an  answer  to 
the  ever-recurring  Why  ? But 
in  industrial  relations  it  need  not 
be  a “dismal  science,”  as  Carlyle 
called  Political  Economy,  nor  need 
its  terms  be  located  in  trans- 
cendental space;  it  is  but  common 
sense  views  of  life  in  the  broader 
phase  of  it  presented  by  history; 
the  connecting  link  between  the 
individual  effort  and  social  pro- 
gress. 

Looking  at  this  Greater  Life 
we  see  why  Winwood  Beade  calls 
his  history  of  human  efforts  “The 
Martyrdom  of  Man !”  History  is 
but  the  biography  of  the  national 
individual — the  Kace  Self;  and  in 
this  biography  we  find  the  steps 
of  growth  marked  by  three  great 


Philosophy  of 


— 4 


human  relations  which  have  suc- 
ceeded each  other,  the  Religious, 
the  Political,  and  the  Industrial. 
As  each  has  in  turn  arisen  to 
agitate  thought,  the  preceding  one 
has  waned  in  public  interest. 
These  three  successive  phases  of 
thought  took  to  themselves  form 
and  substance  in  Protestantism, 
Democracy,  and  Socialism.  By 
Protestantism  I mean  the  struggle 
for  liberty  of  conscience,  which 
the  Catholic  to-day  values  as 
highly  as  the  loudest  shouting 
Methodist.  That  battle  has  been 
won  andbothCatholic  and  Protest- 
ant became  more  humanized. 

By  Democracy  I mean  the  next 
extension  of  protest  to  control 
over  actions.  As  the  former 
protest  left  the  conscience  free  to 
follow  its  beliefs,  so  this  demanded 
freedom  from  interference  by  king 
and  noble.  With  the  American 
and  French  Devolutions  there  be- 
gan to  rise  in  importance  the 
status  of  industrial  relations,  and 
queries  whether  they  were  equit- 
able. 

To  say  that  trade  unions  have 
a philosophy  is  but  to  say  that  it 
has  a Why  as  well  as  a form.  It 
shapes  us  more  than  we  it.  It, 
too,  is  a larger  Self,  embodying 
our  hopes,  our  aspirations,  and 
unconsiously  leading  us  on  to 
wider  views.  What  these  are  will 
do  us  no  harm  to  examine;  it  may 
even  clear  our  thoughts  a little 
and  animate  us  with  new  zeal. 
Let  us  then,  by  easy  stages,  study 
this  new  Ideal,  and  see  wherein 
Trade-unionism  plays  a leading 
part. 


II. 

Industrialism. 

We  have  seen  that  the  dominant 
spirit  of  the  age  is  no  longer 
religious  creeds,  nor  forms  of 
government,  but  the  industrial 
relations  of  social  life.  Where  the 
former  are  not  in  touch  with  these, 
they  cease  calling  out  our  enthusi- 


asm. Although  the  younger  brother 
of  these,  it  begins  to  feel  its  own 
independence  and  resents  their 
interference.  It  feels  that  it  is  of 
age  and  would  enter  upon  its  in- 
heritance. 

To  understand  this  new  spirit 
which  now  dominates  thought, 
let  us  briefly  follow  its  modern 
growth.  In  the  dark  midnight  of 
Feudal  Ages  Industry  seemed 
slumbering  in  Europe. 

The  slave  had,  it  is  true,  given 
way  to  the  serf,  who  was  sold 
with  the  earth  on  which  he  saw  the 
first  and  the  last  ray  of  light.  The 
absence  of  diversified  industry  left 
warlike  activities  to  ravage  the 
country.  Baron  against  baron, 
patriotism  limited  to  the  estate, 
labor  fought  for  its  owner  in  return 
for  protection  ; rights  and  duties 
were  co-related : the  many  served 
the  one  whose  strong  arm  protect- 
ed. But  a change  came,  and 
singularly  it  was  to  religious 
fanaticism  that  Industrialism  was 
indebted.  The  wild  cry  of  the  Cru- 
saders to  rescue  the  tomb  of  a 
dead  Savior,  was  the  lullaby  over 
the  cradle  of  the  new  one.  For  in 
that  upheaval  of  provincial  lines, 
in  its  extension  of  the  bounds  of 
the  horizon,  in  freeing  the  serf 
who  donned  the  Crusader’s  cross 
and  who  lived  to  return  with 
widened  experience,  came  the  new 
thought  which  surged  in  the  veins 
of  youthful  and  sickly  Industry. 
Knowledge  of  the  Orient,  its  arts 
and  crafts,  gave  a new  impetus  to 
human  wants.  In  the  walled  cities 
the  returned  pilgrim  became  a 
free  artisan.  But  hearts  as  well  as 
walls  constitute  defence,  and  stout 
hearts  were  there  beneath  brawny 
breasts.  The  old  Roman  guilds 
were  revived.  Against  marauding 
baron  and  thieving  ecclesiastic 
stout  hearts  strengthened  city 
walls.  In  Germany  through  the 
Hanseatic  League,  and  in  France 
through  alliance  with  the  crown, 
the  power  of  militant  feudalism 
was  weakened  and  Industry  ac- 


quired  a foothold.  With  increasing 
luxury  rose  fresh  supply,  and  the 
trades  began  to  assume  form  and 
organization. 

Silently,  like  a subterranean 
river,  it  flowed  on  gathering 
strength.  From  Italy  to  Britain, 
from  Holland  to  Spain  sturdy 
artisans  were  uniting.  Beneath  the 
terrible  wars  which  followed 
Luther’s  i^ebellion,  backed  as  it 
was  by  the  old  Feudal  spirit; 
beneath  the  subsequent  upheavals 
attending  the  formation  of  ruling 
nationalities,  the  river  flowed  on. 
When  the  Great  French  Revolu- 
tion swept  away  the  accumulated 
rubbish  of  centuries,  when  the 
banks  of  established  Custom  grew 
weakened  over  its  increasing  tor- 
rent, the  dikes  broke  and  the 
deluge  came.  Since  then  the 
waters  have  flown  above  ground. 
Here  in  wider  current;  there,  in 
narrow  and  rocky  gorge  and  more 
tumultuously. 

Luther,  Calvin,  Puritans,  had 
dinned  the  ears  of  men  with  conun- 
drums on  “divine  grace”  and 
“predestination  and  election”.  Still 
Industry  toiled  on  silent  and  un- 
moved. Roundheads  and  Cavaliers, 
Tories  and  Patriots,  Jacobins  and 
Royalists  took  their  turn,  and 
Paine,  Rousseau,  Junius  filled  the 
thoughts  of  men  in  both  hemi- 
spheres with  man’s  political  rights. 
Still  the  artisan  made  his  anvil 
resound  and  spoke  no  word. 

But  when  these  old  dikes  went, 
how  great  the  change.  Cabinets, 
Parliaments,  Congresses  no  longer 
debate  creeds  nor  draft  constitu- 
tions. What  have  been  their  labors? 
Tariffs, Factory  acts, Emancipation, 
Labor  Bureaus,  Protection  to,  or 
control  of  great  enterprises — all 
alike  testify  to  the  change.  Even 
the  war  between  North  and  South 
in  this  country  was  an  economic 
issue  : dear  labor  and  cheap  labor 
confronted  each  other  and  over 
the  victory  for  cheap  labor 
patriots  still  exult,  display  their 


wounds  and  draw  their  pensions 
with  patriotic  ardor. 

Another  feature  is  prominent 
which  must  be  noted.  The  old 
Civilization  was  warlike;  activity 
sought  militant  paths.  The  citizen 
was  of  worth  in  proportion  to  his 
strength  and  endurance.  The  same 
priestly  hand  that  blessed  the  in- 
fant consecrated  the  sword  which 
was  to  brain  it.  As  Industry  rose, 
it  became  discernible  that  peace 
was  a necessary  condition  to  its 
growth.  Thus  wars  of  conquest 
insensibly  changed  into  wars  of 
defence.  At  the  present  day  wars 
are  but  desperate  efforts  to  secure 
control  of  markets  whereby  labor 
may  not  flag  nor  privilege  lose  its 
power  and  lease  over  it. 

Thus  in  the  biography  of  the 
Race  we  see  the  one  struggle  as- 
sume various  forms.  With  suc- 
ceeding generations  old  foes  reap- 
pear in  new  uniforms.  Militancy 
undermined  in  Church,  being 
undermined  in  the  State,  is  seek- 
ing support  in  Industry.  No  longer 
wearing  a crown,  it  seeks  foothold 
in  the  shop. 

Industrialism,  steadily  toiling 
on,  feels  quickened  pulse  and  new 
hopes.  Logically  the  antagonist 
of  Militancy,  it  demands  peace, 
yet  is  driven  by  untoward  circum- 
stances to  unite  for  self  defence. 
It  is  ushering  in  a new  civilization. 
While  priests  are  praying  for  us, 
and  politicians  “orating”  to  us 
Industrialism  is  silently  building 
its  outposts  and  pushing  its 
videttes  further  beyond  the  old 
lines. 


III. 

Trade  Unions  a Protest. 

In  the  palmy  days  of  Rome  and 
Greece,  when  even  the  wise 
Aristotle  declared  slavery  to  be  a 
“natural” condition,  the  trade  union 
was  an  important  factor.  In  the 
inscriptions  of  the  ancient  Roman 
Republic  they  are  recognized,  and 
in  both  lands  they  had  their  altars 


6 — 


and  gods.  As  Rome  extended  her 
conquests,  slaves  increased  in  num- 
ber and  the  free  artisans  grew 
more  and  firmer  allied. 

Though  the  current  religion  gave 
it  its  consecration,  necessity  was 
the  spur  which  prompted  its  action. 
In  a militant  society,  where  impe- 
rial methods  were  continually  limit- 
ing the  sphere  of  individual  activ- 
ity, where  lordly  pride  contemned 
humble  worth  and  trod  ruthlessly 
over  unprotected  weakness,  trade 
union  lines  were  closer  drawn.  But 
the  power  of  Militancy  resided  in 
authority  and  was  wielded  by  the 
sword;  while  Industrialism  was  a 
child  as  yet  learning  to  walk. 

All  through  the  Middle  Ages  the 
trade  union  survived.  The  barbarian 
invasions,  the  wreck  of  the  empire, 
the  contest  of  rival  nationalities 
never  completely  swamped  it  be 
neath  its  deluging  floods.  In  holiday 
processions  ancient  prints  still  show 
us  the  red  banner  of  the  trades 
carried  by  their  members  at  festi- 
vals. But  because  of  this  ceaseless 
warlike  activity  around  them  trade 
affiliation  became  still  more  a 
necessity.  As  deeper  grew  strife, 
harder  became  the  peaceful  condi- 
tions under  which  alone  Industry 
thrives  and  blooms  best.  Animated, 
as  it  were,  by  the  same  instinct  with 
which,  though  side  by  side,  the 
horse  turns  his  heels,  and  the  ox  his 
horns,  against  rain  and  storm,  so 
the  artisans  flocked  together  in  self 
defence  feeling  that  in  union  alone 
was  strength. 

In  England,  “Merrie  England”, 
the  lot  of  the  workers  was  most 
often  a hard  one.  His  clothing 
prescribed  for  him  by  act  of  parlia- 
ment, his  absence  from  his  town  a 
subject  for  magisterial  inquiry, 
refusal  to  work  for  regulated  sche- 
dule of  wages  an  offence  for  which 
pillory  and  cropped  ears,  or  a brand 
of  infamy,  must  atone — how  could 
he  survive  if  even  union  organiza- 
tion became  “conspiracy”  against 
the  laws  of  God  and  man  ? While 


the  church  hurled  damnation  and 
sulphur,  and  the  State  cell  and 
gallows,  for  such  unlawful  agitation, 
still  the  unions  grew.  Whether  as 
clubs  or  mutual  aid  societies  the 
artisans  rallied  around  them  as  their 
only  centre  of  strength.  Even  into 
our  own  century  many  of  these 
barbaric  statutes  stood  unrepealed. 

But  its  animating  spirit  could 
not  be  trampled  out  and  in  the 
present  day  we  find  them  recogniz  • 
ed  and  granted  official  status.  Why 
then,  still  continue  the  struggle. 
Because  the  downfall  of  the  heredit- 
ary crown,  and  baron,  and  privil- 
edged  gentry  was  but  the  shedding 
of  outer  garments.  The  power 
once  incarnate  in  the  pontiff,  then 
divided  among  crowned  heads,  and 
finally  spread  out  to  parliamentary 
legislation,  was  still  militant.  The 
conflict  is  but  transferred  to  other 
fields.  The  religious  and  political 
.battle  fields  are  to-day  flowering 
meadows,  but  the  spirit  which  trod 
them  with  warring  hoofs,  now 
benignly  smiles  over  the  ledgers  of 
the  counting-room.  In  the  economic 
struggle  ot  the  ages  lords  and 
nobles  have  lost  but  their  gold  lace 
and  velvet;  they  survive  as  economic 
lords  of  the  means  of  life  and  the 
trade  union  cannot  yet  draw  in  its 
advance  guard  ot  pickets. 

Only  where  militant  measures 
restrict  the  peaceful  flow  of  Industry 
a tangible  or  intangible  Something 
blocks  the  path,  does  protest  arise. 
Whether  the  toll  collected  be  by 
the  baronial  armed  troops,  without 
word  of  apology,  or  by  indirect 
means,  the  protest  comes  out.  How- 
ever tree  a country  may  boast  it- 
self, how  eloquent  its  orators  may 
become  on  patriotic  occasions  and 
stated  days,  yet  where  unions  of 
toilers  are  increasing  there  protest 
is  rising.  Its  rise  and  fall  can  be 
as  accurately  measured  as  that  of 
mercury  under  atmospheric  pres- 
sure. Presidents  and  secretaries 
are  but  its  mouth  pieces  through 
which  the  protest  seeks  utterance. 


— 7 — 


The  very  fact  that  Trade  Unions 
exist  and  are  manifesting  increased 
activity,  is  evidence  that  inequitable 
economic  conditions  exist.  Whether 
conscious  or  unconscious  this  is  the 
natural  channel  where  such  protest 
is  first  heard  and  the  barometrical 
indicator  of  its  strength. 

It  is  a business,  matter-of-fact, 
institution,  responding  to  personal 
needs,  living  in  the  present  for  the 
present  and  not  concerned  about 
its  status  in  the  Millennium.  Born 
of  the  Hew,  it  instinctively  opposes 
the  Old,  civilization.  Growing  to 
stature  when  ecclesiastical  and 
hereditary  lords  disputed  its  rights, 
it  still  survives  when  their  heirs  don 
the  modern  costume  to  cover  their 
economic  lordships.  It  feels,  rather 
than  reasons,  but  its  intuition  is 
that  of  instinct.  The  Old  was 
founded  on  compulsion  ; the  Hew 
tends  to  voluntary  co-operation. 
One  looks  backward  for  its  title 
deeds ; the  other  forward  to  grow- 
ing solidarity  of  interests.  The 
Old,  rooted  in  militancy,  blossoms 
in  enforced  direction / the  Hew, 
rooted  in  peace,  buds  in  mutual 
concert  of  aid  and  action.  In  its 
waking  moments  it  stands  arrayed 
for  defence  ; in  its  dreams  it  sees 
co-operative  solidarity,  and  cries 
with  Bobby  Burns : 

“A  fig  for  those  by  law  protected  ! 

Liberty’s  a glorious  feast ! 

Courts  for  cowards  were  erected, 

Churches  built  to  please  the 
priest/’ 


IV. 

Its  Conscious  and  Unconscious 
Gkowth. 

So  far  we  have  mainly  considered 
its  outward  form  and  actions,  but 
the  spirit  of  Trade  Unionism,  like 
J that  of  all  institutions,  is  a living 
soul.  Embodying  the  hopes  and 
^ aspirations  of  long  centuries  of 
struggle,  ever  adapting  itself  anew 
to  changed  surroundings,  it  has  in 
its  varied  existence  become  endow- 


ed with  a purpose  which  no  caucus 
ot  “leaders”  can  dispel,  nor  errors 
of  the  moment  divert. 

Its  conscious  growth  may  be 
read  in  its  annals:  its  victories  and 
defeats,  its  resolutions  and  concerted 
acts,  all  tell  the  story  of  determined 
opposition  to  regulative  interfer- 
ence. The  peasants  that  gathered 
in  the  great  uprisings  of  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries 
felt  its  inspiration  stirring  their 
hearts,  and  formulated  their  griev- 
ances in  concise  form. 

But  its  unconscious  life  has  had 
by  far  the  widest  influence  upon 
social  life.  Protests  never  fall  as 
idle  wdnds  without  leaving  effects. 
The  cry  of  the  Hew  against  the 
Old,  the  protest  of  cramped  activity, 
ever  takes  moral  form.  The 
legitimate  outgrowth  of  Industrial- 
ism fretting  under  militant  direc- 
tion, drawn  as  if  by  an  invisible 
cord  to  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder 
in  defence  of  common  needs  against 
a common  foe,  it  must  need  foster 
desires  and  hopes  unknown  under 
old  conditions.  In  its  members 
arose  a sturdier  manhood,  a more 
self-reliant  activity.  The  artisan  of 
the  middle  ages,  who  at  any 
moment  might  be  called  upon  to 
doff  his  apron  and  seize  his  weapon 
to  rally  with  his  comrades  at  the 
city  walls  to  repel  invasion,  grew 
more  independent.  Inch  by  inch 
they  contested  the  ground  and  won 
from  reluctant  privilege  by  present- 
ing a solid  front.  In  that  age  the 
union  was  more  than  a perfunctory 
due  collector,  it  was  a living  reality, 
because  the  need  of  mutual  concert 
of  action  was  imperative. 

In  the  battles  waged  by  it  in  this 
century,  abroad  and  at  home,  from 
the  vantage  point  of  its  last  decade 
we  can  see  growing  out  of  its  deeds 
effects  rippling  over  the  social 
surface  of  life  on  all  sides.  It  has 
transformed  the  patient  and  sodden 
drudge  into  a manly  and  honest 
worker.  In  the  increased  hours  of 
leisure  it  has  secured  for  him,  in 


— 8 


the  greater  comfort  thereby  arising 
from  greater  wants,  in  the  broaden- 
ing of  his  mental  horizon  and 
wider  sympathies,  we  can  behold 
an  advance  that  has  been  won  by 
action,  not  prayers,  by  determina- 
tion, not  supplications. 

Even  in  the  last  century  trade 
union  lines  were  closely  drawn,  and 
rivalry  and  jealousy  between  trades 
of  constant  occurence.  A feeling 
of  class  pervaded  each  union,  and 
it  manifested  itself  against  those  of 
another  craft.  That  same  narrow- 
ness which  leads  us  to  despise 
those  of  another  nationality  in  the 
name  of  patriotism  was  too  often 
showm  between  unions.  But  that 
day  has  forever  past. 

Another  evidence  ot  growth  in 
self-reliance  can  be  seen  in  our  own 
generation.  When  our  civil  war 
was  over  and  thousands  returned 
to  their  customary  occupations,  a 
change  was  perceptibly  felt.  War, 
in  centralizing  power,  ever  tends 
to  centralization  in  all  other  func- 
tions. The  growing  wealth  of  a 
tew,  the  rise  of  monopolies,  the 
gradual  extinction  of  smaller  in- 
dustries, the  concentration  of  in- 
dustrial direction  in  fewer  hands, — 
all  told  upon  the  worker.  Unions 
began  to  increase  their  activity, 
bastard  organizations  claiming  the 
shield  of  labor  came  into  existence, 
agitation  began,  and  organization 
followed  for  political  action.  The 
writer,  looking  back  over  more 
than  a quarter  of  a century  of 
identification  with  the  Labor  Move- 
ment, can  note  several  distinct  rings 
of  growth  during  that  period. 

Immediately  after  the  war  of  the 
rebellion  a Short  Hour  Movement 
was  organized  in  Massachusetts  and 
the  East.  With  the  eloquence  of 
Wendell  Phillips  to  arouse 
■J  enthusiasm  a determined  effort  was 
made  to  affect  legislation.  A ticket 
was  annually  placed  in  lhe  field; 
the  State-house  besieged  by  delega- 
tions of  workingmen;  and,  with 


every  crumb  gained,  the  loaf  seemed 
nearer.  Alas!  “distance  lends 
enchantment  to  the  view!”  Zeal 
did  not  diminish  among  the  active 
few,  but  soon  the  fight  was  trans- 
ferred from  the  State-house  to  the 
National  Capitol.  The  National 
Eight  Hour  Law  became  the  object 
of  desire  and  petitions  were 
secured  from  all  over  the  country. 
In  1880,  after  several  failures,  a 
national  conference  appointed  a 
“National  Eight  Hour  Committee”, 
consisting  of  R.  F.  Trevellick, 
Chairman;  John  G.  Mills,  Secretary; 
Chas.  Litchman,  Alb.  R.  Parsons, 
and  myself,  to  interview  the  entire 
House.  Mr.  Trevellick  had  speeches 
to  make  elsewhere.  Litchman  had 
“ fences  to  fix,”  or  other  business — 
also  elsewhere.  Albert  R.  Parsons 
had  not  the  means  to  stay,  but  said 
if  one  of  us  could  take  him  in,  he 
would  stay  and  fight  it  out.  Re  did 
so.  Mr.  Mills  and  myself  were 
then  residing  there. 

Time  passed  and  the  Eight  Hour 
bill  is  just  where  it  was.  But  unions 
no  longer  bother  themselves  about 
it.  Grown  more  sell-reliant,  they 
are  seeking  it  through  mutual  co- 
operation. 

This  is  but  a single  instance  of  un- 
conscious growth,  yet  how  pregnant 
with  meaning  for  the  future ! The 
new  cry  is  not  for  “more  legis- 
lation,” but  more  unity  and  self- 
help  ! Even  those  who  still  hold  to 
the  past  methods  are  unconsciously 
drawn  in  with  the  current.  Instead 
of  depending  upon  a politician,  he 
is  becoming  to  the  Unionist  as  un- 
necessary a factor,  in  his  work , as 
the  priest.  It  is  an  indication  of 
yet  further  self-reliance,  of  still 
greater  possibilities;  when  with  one 
accord  the  federated  solidarity 
of  toilers  will  sing  with  Tenny- 
son: 

“Ring  in  the  valiant  man  and  free, 
The  larger  heart,  the  kindlier  hand; 
Ring  out  the  darkness  of  the  land, 
Ring  in  the  Christ  that  is  to  be.’' 


— 9 — 


V. 

Federation  and  Solidarity. 

We  are  now  beginning  to  obtain 
a glimpse  of  the  philosophy  of 
Trade-unionism.  Eminent  writers, 
like  Herbert  Spencer  and  Auguste 
Comte,  have  laid  down  the  broad 
proposition  that  modern  civilization 
has  consisted  in  the  distinction 
between  Militancy  and  Industrial- 
ism; between  past  “compulsory  co- 
operation” and  growing  “voluntary 
co-operation.”  Accepting  their 
conclusions,  we  have  tried  to  apply 
their  reasoning  to  the  Trade  union, 
and  have  seen  that  its  unconscious 
growth  is  in  that  direction.  The 
Trade-union  being:  the  only  mouth- 
piece of  concerted  industrial  effort 
/ it  must  be  in  accord  with  the  un- 
conscious tendency  of  Industrial- 
ism, if  it  is  to  effect  lasting  results. 
The  body  must  conform  to  the 
requirements  of  the  soul  if  it  is  to 
influence  the  future. 

The  tendency  toward  self- 
reliance  mentioned  is  borne  out  in 
the  federated  action  of  the  trades. 
Having  outgrown  the  petty  jeal- 
ousies and  rivalries  of  the  past  they 
now  seek  in  Federation  conscious 
action  in  “voluntary  co-operation.” 

The  generous  support  extended 
by  other  trades  to  the  Carpenters 
in  their  conflict  for  a shorter  day  of 
labor  was  a magnificent  illustration 
of  the  growing  mutuality  of  inter- 
ests felt  by  the  toilers.  When 
callings  so  different  as  carpenters, 
bakers,  cigar-makers,  miners,  street- 
railway  employees,  etc.,  etc.,  rely 
upon  their  own  efforts  to  assist 
fellow-workers  of  another  craft,  we 
can  see  that  the  true  spirit  of  In- 
dustrialism has  taken  deep  root  in 
organized  effort. 

The  moral  aspect  of  such  grow- 
ing mutualism  is  not  to  be  over- 
looked. While  each  trade  preserves 
its  own  autonomy  with  jealous 
care,  the  broader  spirit  is  one  of 
fraternity.  So  in  social  life  the 
broader  spirit  of  Industrialism,  | 

49 


while  tending  to  make  each  in- 
dividual more  self-reliant,  also 
teaches  that  true  individualism  is 
based  on  mutualism,  on  the 
voluntary  co-operation  of  each  to 
the  common  end.  This  broadened 
sympathy  in  men’s  natures,  this 
heartier  interest  in  others’  welfare, 
this  identification  of  self  in  the 
common  weal,  is  the  moral  result 
of  free  relations.  As  compulsory 
co-operation  has  relaxed,  as  in- 
dividual initiative  has  been  given 
greater  scope  of  action,  our  emo- 
tional natures  are  affected  and 
mutual  accord  tollows  as  naturally 
as  water  gravitates  to  a level . 

This  moral  growth  wre  see  re- 
flected all  around  us.  The  habits 
of  “gentlemen”  a century  ago 
would  be  deemed  intolerable  in 
any  self-respecting  workman’s 
home.  With  this  growing  solidarity 
of  interest  common  decency  has 
taken  on  a far  higher  meaning. 
Courtesy  has  extended  her  bound- 
aries, and  the  old  prejudices  are 
melting  away.  The  bigotry  and 
hatred  of  our  fathers  shown  in 
“know-nothingism”,  is  now  only 
seen  in  public  by  the  untamed 
“small  boy”  stoning  a Chinaman, 
or  a “dago”. 

This  higher  ethical  standard  is 
seen  in  the  various  beneficial  orders 
among  us,  as  well  as  in  the  trade- 
unions,  where  fraternal  love  over- 
leaps the  tomb  to  relieve  the 
widow.  This  solidarity  of  interest 
is  not  a prayer-meeting  enthusiasm, 
not  a political  party  fellowship, 
but  inclusive  of  all  religions  and 
politics.  More,  it  is  fast  breaking 
down  boundary  lines  as  absolute 
barriers  between  fellow-workers, 
and  patriotism — which  old  Dr. 
Johnson  defined  as  “the  last  refuge 
of  a scoundrel” — is  reserved  for 
Decoration  Day  and  the  Fourth  of 
July. 

Industrialism,  as  the  Gospel  of 
Peace,  brings  with  it  international 
fraternity,  and  in  this  lies  the  goal 
of  Solidarity.  To  this  end  the 


- 10  — 


logical  development  of  Trade- 
anion  ism  tends,  and  across  seas  and 
continents  friendly  hands  are  al- 
ready outstretched  with  invitation 
to  fraternal  grasp.  The  Trade- 
union,  more  than  other  institutions, 
must  need  and  feel  this  new  breath, 
and  its  federated  history  already 
marks  how  willingly  it  is  accepted. 
Step  by  step  is  the  advance  made, 
but  surely  is  the  march  continued 
toward  this  broader  view  of  social 
relations,  this  constant  growth  of 
individual  self-reliance  and  mutual 
interests.  For  the  first  necessarily 
involves  the  second  in  a free 
society,  and  the  tendency  indicates 
growth  toward  that  culmination. 

The  Trade-union  movement, 
therefore,  need  not  worry  over  the 
barking  of  the  camp  curs  hanging 
around  it,  or  the  acts  of 
stragglers  who  fall  out  of  line.  In 
their  course  they  are  evidencing 
an  alignment  with  both  industrial 
and  moral  progress,  placing  them- 
selves on  record  as  worthy  standard 
bearers  in  the  Industrial  Crusade, 
and  forecasting  conditions  in  which 
Solidarity  will  be  hope  realized. 
Whether  the  foe  appear  in  open 
field,  or  as  a “hired  Hessian” 
masquerading  in  Liberty's  name, 
the  result  of  the  struggle  need  not 
be  doubtful  while  the  workers 
themselves  remain  true  to  their 
colors,  Federation  and  Solidarity ! 
Already  the  hill  tops  are  ruddy 
with  their  dawning  light,  though 
sombre  scenes  may  lead  to  it. 
“Freedom  we  call  it,  for  holier 
Hame  of  the  soul’s  there  is  none; 
Surelier  it  labors,  if  slowlier, 

Than  the  metres  of  star  or  of  sun; 
Slowlier  than  life  into  breath, 
Surelier  than  time  into  death, 

It  moves  till  its  labor  be  done.” 

YI. 

Its  Militant  Chabacteb. 

It  is  time  to  note  an  objection; 
a charge  of  inconsistency  is  raised. 
If  Trades  Unions  represent  In- 
dustrialism, whose  ends  are  peace, 


whence  their  militant  character  ? 
On  every  hand  we  hear  economic 
lords,  and  their  editorial  hirelings, 
bewailing  the  “tyranny  of  trade 
unions.”  Is  the  life  of  the  institu- 
tion, like  that  of  the  individual,  a 
contradiction  ? Are  there  stronger 
inborn  impulses  to  evil  than  efforts 
for  good  ? 

Let  us  be  honest  with  our- 
selves,and  with  “our  friends  the  en- 
emy.” The  very  fact  that  the 
Trades  Union  is  a protest,  that  it 
is  called  into  being  for  defensive 
purposes,  that  it  has  to  constantly 
withstand  the  open  attacks  of  its 
enemies,  and  the  more  insidious 
opposition  of  those  who  prate 
loudest  of  individual  liberty — 
stamps  it  with  a militant  char- 
acter. As  soldiers  of  the  Kevo- 
lution  they  stand  in  line,  shoulder 
to  shoulder,  to  defend  every  point 
won,  and  to  advance  their  posi- 
tion. The  Unionist  is  no  Quaker, 
thankful  for  the  right  to  exist,  but 
unwilling  to  defend  it. 

To  imagine  that  emotion  could 
in  any  way  aid  the  astronomer  iu 
his  investigations  would  at  once 
strike  every  intelligent  person  as 
absurd.  In  fact,  the  perfection  of 
the  science  is  constituted  in  its 
elimination  of  the  emotional  fact- 
ors, as  well  as  any  form  of  intel- 
lectual bias.  But  in  economic 
problems,  the  emotional  nature  is 
generally  assumed  to  be  an  indis- 
pensable factor.  The  reason  for 
this  error  is  not  difficult  to  under- 
stand. The  world’s  thought  is 
now  centred  on  social  relations, 
and  it  has  been  facetiously  said: 
“There  is  a good  deal  of  human 
nature  in  man.”  As  actors  in  a 
struggle  in  which  our  interests  are 
directly  involved,  our  judgment 
should  be  the  more  impartial;  we 
must  exclude  bias,  substract  the 
“personal  equation”  of  feeling,  and 
study  social  relations  as  we  would 
those  of  the  animal  or  the' inorganic 
world.  The  fundamental  idea  un- 
derlyingthe  industrial  protest  is 
that  equity  may  be  attained. 


— 11  — 


In  basing  our  demands  upon 
what  Herbert  Spencer  has  called 
“the  law  of  equal  freedom,”  we 
ask  no  more  than  we  are  willing  to 
concede.  Our  rights  being  equal, 
injustice  must  have  for  its  cause 
some  deviation  from  this  principle 
whereby  some  are  granted  special 
privileges,  which  ever  carries  with 
it  corresponding  restrictions  from 
which  results  the  social  inequity 
of  which  we  complain.  If  the  fun- 
damental truth  of  an  equitable 
system  of  relations  as  the  in- 
dustrial goal  of  progress  be  equal 
freedom,  it  resolves  itself  into  the 
opportunity  of  gratifying  self-in- 
terest. 

Trades  Unions  are  not  system- 
builders.  With  them,  “sufficient 
unto  the  day  in  the  evil  thereof,” 
and  to-morrow  will  find  a new  re- 
lief for  picket-duty.  Self-interest 
is  not  only  a fundamental  law  of 
our  being,  but  is  the  incentive 
which  has  lifted  man  from  the 
animal  into  the  sphere  of  the 
human.  Because  suffering  exists, 
poverty  degrades,  and  immorality 
results,  there  is  the  greater  need 
for  cold  judgment  rather  than 
emotional  hysterics.  Schemes  for 
abolishing  individuality  have  their 
source  in  the  emotional  nature, 
while  human  progress  consists  in 
judgment  sitting  over  and  ruling 
the  lower  side  of  our  natures.  All 
life  is  a contest  between  the  judg- 
ment of  the  intellect  and  the  im- 
pulse of  emotion, and  this  primarily 
is  the  distinction  between  man  and 
the  animal. 

The  present  struggle  for  shorter 
days  of  toil  is  not  based  on  any 
sentimental  desire  for  “the  other 
fellows,”  but  for  self  alone.  We 
want  a higher  standard  of  living, 
and  to  secure  that  self-interest 
becomes  mutual  interest,  to  wring 
from  privilege  a greater  opportun- 
ity. While,  therefore,  basing  our 
economic  struggle  upon  self-inter- 
est, we  are  not  unaware  that  what-  j 
ever  tends  to  enlarge  the  scope  of 
opportunities  by  establishing 


greater  equity,  at  the  same  time 
leads  to  a wider  field  for  the 
higher  display  of  emotion.  In- 
creased sensibility  follows  free  re- 
lations; the  soldier  in  the  line 
need  but  defend  his  position.  Thus, 
while  sympathy  has  enlarged  with 
the  greater  increase  of  freedom,  it 
is  but  as  a result,  never  as  a cause. 
We  no  longer  view  scenes  of  tor- 
ture with  the  dulled  composure  of 
our  ancestors,  but,  while  this  more 
sympathetic  nature  is  but  an  effect, 
it  has  been  dominated  by  judg- 
ment. In  other  words,  our  selfish- 
ness has  broadened  into  mutualism 
and  such  scenes  are  no  longer  of 
interest  to  self. 

The  Trades  Union  line  is,  there- 
fore, a defensive  one,  and  in  the 
bitter  fight  forced  upon  us  we  want 
all  we  can  get,  and  pathetic  narra- 
tives of  the  sufferings  of  a “scab” 
in  case  he  runs  against  a missile 
will  not  trouble  our  tender  hearts. 
In  such  a warfare  we  do  not  keep 
our  emotions  on  tap,  and  the  sen- 
timentalists who  propose  to  “rush 
the  can”  for  sympathy  will  receive 
no  more  attention  than  the  in- 
equitable system  that  their  weak 
natures  lead  them,  however  un- 
consciously, to  bolster  up  and 
maintain.  For  both  “scab”  and 
sentimentalist  in  the  hour  of  con- 
flict we  have  but  contempt,  and 
turn  from  each  alike  when  the 
word  is  passed  to  “fall  in.”  Our 
duty  is  in  the  ranks,  not  playing 
“coffee  cooler”  to  the  captain  in 
the  hour  of  danger ! 

VII. 

Its  Logical  Position. 

The  point  just  discussed  is  so  vital 
that  it  should  be  made  still  clearer. 
The  pompous,  big-paunched  mono- 
polist, after  having  satisfied  his  mind 
that  his  “trust”  arrangements  are 
working  all  right,  unburdens  his 
conscience  in  bewailing  the  fact  that 
men  will  so  far  forget  the  inherent 
dignity  of  human  nature  and  inalien- 
able right  as  to  kick  for  themselves. 
Their  sympathies,  in  such  cases  only, 


— 12  — 


are  freely  on  tap  and  his  indignation 
is  aroused.  To  hear  him  orate,  one 
might  think  the  welfare  of  the  worker 
lay  nearest  his  heart,  and  that  his 
woes  often  embittered  even  the 
champagne  with  which  our  kind 
and  tender-hearted  philanthropist 
tries  to  drown  his  regret  at  such  ill- 
advised  persistency  in  v^rong  doing. 
Nor  would  we  for  a moment  bring 
the  railing  charge  of  conscious  hy- 
pocrisy against  such  profession  of 
surprise.  His  own  independent 
course  of  life,  his  position  as  one  of 
the  belted  and  epauletted  generals 
in  the  warfare  for  a living,  with  a 
full  commissariat  for  his  own  sub- 
sistence, and  able  to  dictate  the  line 
of  advance  and  battle,  renders  him 
blind  rather  than  indifferent  to  the 
feelings  of  the  humble  private  in  the 
ranks.  Independence  in  submission 
is  his  idea  of  the  private’s  whole  duty. 

But,  by  the  too  often  meagre  camp- 
fire by  which  the  private  reflectingly 
sits,  other  thoughts  arise,  and  other 
thoughts  than  his  adaptedness  to 
carry  out  pre-arranged  schemes,  of 
which  he  knows  nothing,  take  form. 
Let  us  try  and  express  what  these 
often-unuttered  thoughts  are  as 
translated  by  his  actions.  Nor,  is 
our  simile  of  warfare  a mere  me- 
taphor. There  is  such  a warfare, 
like  all  warfare  cruel  and  relentless, 
but  not  the  warfare  our  epauletted 
generals  imagine,  of  a warfare  upon 
nature  under  their  guidance  and 
control.  On  the  contrary  it  is  the 
same  warfare  that  occurred  in  the 
Black  Hole  of  Calcutta  among  the 
doomed  prisoners  who  trampled 
each  other  to  death  in  order  to  get 
near  the  sole  opening  for  air — a 
warfare  for  position.  Our  generals 
are  those  who  have  succeeded  in 
monopolizing  the  air,  the  means  of 
life ! Nor  have  they  succeeded,  as 
they  in  their  self-esteem  assert,  by 
their  superior  ability  alone,  but  by 
legalization  of  each  successive  mo- 
nopoly, wherein  might  makes  right 
and  the  weak  is  not  merely  left  to 
succumb,  but  even  punished  for  his 
struggles  if  the  might  of  monopoly 
be  assailed. 


The  warfare  of  industrial  life  is 
not  between  rich  and  poor,  but  for 
position  for  all  to  acquire  from  the 
inexhaustible  store  house  of  unex- 
ploited wealth.  The  reason  that  all 
do  not  possess  comfort  is  found  in 
the  fact  that  artificial  restrictions 
have  been  created.  How  shall  the 
struggle  be  conducted?  Singly,  the 
restricted  can  form  no  army,  and 
conjointly  they  would  be  but  a mob. 
In  union  alone  lies  strength,  and 
before  an  entrenched  enemy  union 
becomes  an  imperative  necessity  for 
self  preservation.  It  is  a civil  war 
in  which  our  armor-clad  foes  march 
under  the  black  flag,  and  even  when 
they  return  a portion  of  the  wealth 
extorted  they  dignify  it  with  the 
high-sounding  name  of  Charity! 

Organized  labor  makes  no  war- 
fare upon  property;  on  the  contrary, 
it  would  have  each  and  all  possess 
property.  Property  is  that  which 
is  proper  to  man  as  its  creator,  and, 
because  denied  this,  the  producers 
combine.  The  day  has  passed  when 
it  can  be  asserted  as  an  economic 
truism  that  the  laws  governing  pro- 
duction and  distribution  are  inva- 
riable natural  laws.  From  the  pages 
of  standard  economists  the  fallacy 
may  be  shown.  Thornton  and  Walker 
have  given  abundant  testimony  that 
organization  has  directly  affected 
wages.  In  fact,  this  is  being  gene- 
rally conceded. 

The  necessity  for  united  action 
needs  no  special  argument,  it  is  ap- 
parent. The  beneficial  effect  has 
been  over  and  again  demonstrated 
from  the  guilds  of  past  centuries  to 
the  present  day.  The  justification 
of  such  organized  resistance  lies  in 
the  very  nature  of  the  contest.  Adam 
Smith  said:  “We  have  no  Acts  of 
Parliament  against  combining  to 
raise  profits.”  And  a century  interven- 
ing does  not  alter  the  fact  save  in  de- 
gree. He  also  said:  “Masters  are 
always  and  everywhere  in  a sort  of 
tacit,  but  constant  and  uniform, 
combination  not  to  raise  the  wages 
of  labor  above  their  actual  rate.” 

To-day  this  combination  is  more 
than  a tacit  one,  it  is  open  and 


— 13  — 


avowed,  and  necessity  demands 
counter  combination. 

Experience  has  determined  that, 
as  social  beings,  as  civilization  is 
based  on  interdependence,  we  de- 
fend our  own  selves  better  in  accord 
than  when  acting  separately.  The 
resistance  of  a mob  is  self-suicide; 
accord  is  essential.  In  this  case, 
drill,  discipline,  alignment  in  ranks, 
becomes  as  much  self,  as  mutual, 
interest.  We  are  social  beings,  our 
very  individualities  are  determined 
by  both  social  inheritance  and  en- 
vironments. 

As  a human  being  the  Czar  of 
Eussia  has  an  equal  right  to  life; 
but  when  the  denial  of  equal  free- 
dom finds  its  incarnation  in  the  Czar, 
he  becomes  a social  enemy,  in  other 
words,  an  invader.  To  attack  Czar- 
dom,  and  not  the  Czar,  its  concrete 
materialization,  is  to  draw  a meta- 
physical distinction  between  form 
and  essence.  All  we  know  of  “sys- 
tems” against  which  we  are  so  often 
advised  to  confine  our  attacks,  is  in 
their  incarnate  form  as  human 
beings,  woven  into  organization. 


vm. 

Its  Eelation  to  the  Scab. 

The  non-unionist  is  but  an  indirect 
enemy;  in  withholding  his  aid  he 
by  so  much  weakens  the  common 
line  of  defense.  Though  often  his 
acts  may  directly,  without  conscious 
effort,  aid  the  enemy,  he  need  not  be 
a traitor  to  his  fellow  toilers.  Every 
great  movement  has  some  object  of 
superlative  loathing;  its  Judas 
Iscariots,  its  Benedict  Arnolds,  its 
Pigotts,  its  paid  spies  and  informers, 
its  Pinkerton  thugs — men  deaf  to  all 
honor,  blind  to  mutual  interest, 
dead  to  all  but  the  miserable  crav- 
ings of  their  shriveled  souls.  In 
the  industrial  conflict  the  instinct 
of  workers  has  significantly  termed 
its  type  of  this  species — “scab!” 
Loud  have  been  the  appeals  for 
sympathy  with  the  workman  who 
falls  out  from  the  line  to  better  his 
condition,  or  relieve  the  distress  of 
a starving  wife  and  family.  But  to 


prevent  just  such  contingencies  is 
the  mission  of  the  Union.  One  who 
is  forced  to  the  necessity  of  wage- 
labor  and  refuses  to  share  the  com- 
mon danger,  but  either  openly  or 
stealthily  goes  over  to  the  enemy  to 
accept  his  terms,  is  a deserter.  By 
hisj  act  he  has  sundered  the  social 
bonds  of  mutual  interest  which 
united  him  to  us,  has  served  notice 
that  he  asks  no  aid,  expects  no 
sympathy,  seeks  no  quarter.  At  his 
acted  word  we  take  him. 

The  time  has  passed  for  circum- 
locution in  handling  this  subject. 
If  Trade-unionism  has  a logical 
ground  for  existence,  if  organized 
resistance  is  preferable  to  slavish 
submission,  if  the  social  ties  which 
unite  us  in  mutual  alliance  are  of 
higher  validity  than  the  selfish 
cravings  of  an  unsocial  nature,  the 
relation  between  the  Trade-union 
and  its  sycophantic  enemy — the 
“scab”,  is  that  existing  between  the 
patriot  and  the  paid  informer.  No 
sentimentalism  will  attenuate,  no 
olive  branch  will  be  extended;  no 
tears  will  be  shed  over  whatever 
misfortune  befalls  him,  nor  aught 
but  utter  loathing  be  felt  for  him. 
He  stands  forths  by  his  own  act 
recreant  to  duty.  Bankrupt  in  honor, 
infidel  to  faith,  destitute  of  social 
sympathy,  and  a self-elected  target. 
We  here  but  express  clearly  what 
workingmen  feel  in  every  industrial 
crisis,  and  we  deliberately  express 
it  that  at  all  times  such  men  be 
regarded  as  possible  “informers” 
and  traitors. 

But  let  us  hear  his  defence.  We 
are  told  that  Trade-unionism  is  an 
encroachment  upon  individual  right, 
that  the  toiler,  whether  union  or 
non-union,  has  the  privilege  to  sell 
his  labor  as  best  suits  himself.  To 
this  we  reply:  1.  The  toiler  does 
not  enter  the  market  under  equal 
conditions.  2.  Monopoly  over  land, 
the  source  of  wealth,  and  over  ex- 
change, its  medium  of  distribution, 
gives  to  the  capitalist  an  economic 
advantage  in  the  struggle.  3.  The 
legalization  of  privilege  forces  upon 
the  unprivileged  the  necessity  of 


— 14  — 


combination  in  order  to  sustain 
themselves.  4.  The  logic  of  events 
has  settled  the  line  of  action;  it  lies 
neither  in  the  prayer-meeting  nor 
the  polling-booth,  but  in  mutual 
accord  of  action  and  determined 
self-help. 

Industrial  combination,  under 
such  circumstances,  is  as  necessary 
for  the  exploited  toiler,  as  military 
organization  for  an  invaded  people. 
We  are  in  a state  of  industrial  war. 
Every  appeal  to  legislation  to  do 
aught  but  undo  is  as  futile  as  send- 
ing a flag  of  truce  to  the  enemy  for 
munitions  of  war.  The  growth  of 
solidarity  evidenced  in  wider  federa- 
tion, in  leading  to  broader  views  of 
the  issue,  and  deeper  sense  of 
mutual  interrelations,  can  but 
intensify  this  feeling  toward  the 
“scab”. 

Unions  having  already  demon- 
strated their  power  to  rise  above  the 
subsistence  level,  where  otherwise 
they  would  be,  it  is  our  duty,  not 
only  to  ourselves,  but  to  our  families, 
to  enlarge  the  scope  of  union  among 
our  fellow  craftsmen.  Our  task  is 
to  be  true  to  the  need  of  the  hour 
in  order  to  be  the  better  fitted  for 
the  unknown  needs  of  the  struggle 
to-morrow.  The  lines  are  being 
closer  drawn,  and  the  exigencies  of 
the  situation  demand  concert 
of  action,  both  against  the  combined 
enemy  and  the  traitor  who  would 
betray  our  cause  by  a shot  from  the 
rear.  In  such  a struggle  for  a 
higher  civilization — a struggle 
forced  upon  us — the  industrial  re- 
creant is  a social  traitor. 

Out  of  conflict  all  progress  has 
come.  The  history  of  the  Labor 
Movement,  its  increasing  self- 
reliance,  its  growing  indifference  to 
“labor  politicians,”  its  development 
of  sturdy  independence  and  man- 
hood, all  alike  indicate  change  in  its 
methods  among  future  possibilities. 
But  with  all  this,  and  its  accompan- 
ing  wider  sympathy  and  extension 
of  mutual  ties,  the  feeling  of  loath- 
ing toward  the  “scab”  has  intensi- 
fied. 

To  sum  up,  to  assert  egoism 


against  mutual  interests  is  unsocial 
and  hence  a denial  of  the  mutual 
basis  upon  which  equitable  relation, 
alone  can  exist.  Thus  the  “scab’ 
is  not  merely  unsocial,  but  by  his 
acted  word  virtually  places  himself 
with  the  industrial  invaders  and 
becomes  an  enemy.  Equal  freedom 
cannot  be  strained  to  mean  a denial 
of  mutual  interests.  Social  evolution 
is  not  a mere  theory,  but  a record 
of  facts,  and  no  fact  is  more  strongly 
brought  out  than  that  progress  has 
resulted  only  in  so  far  as  mutual 
interests  have  been  recognized.  We 
do  not  institute  them,  they  compel  us. 

Therefore,  primarily  as  human 
beings,  become  so  by  social  evolu- 
tion, and  by  the  social  environment 
in  which  the  present  struggle  is 
conditioned,  and  recognizing  as 
the  goal  of  industrial  advance  the 
mutuality  of  interests  involved  in 
the  assertion  of  equal  freedom,  in 
strict  accord  with  all  sociological 
deductions,  and  with  the  utmost 
submission  to  the  higher  law  per- 
meating social  growth,  we  reverently 
raise  our  hats  to  say  prayerfully: 
“To  hell  with  the  ‘scab!’” 


IX. 

Its  Attitude  to  Non-Unionists. 

One  of  the  chief  objects  of  the 
enemy  in  attacking  Unionism  is  to 
seek  to  array  sympathy  on  the  side 
of  the  non-unionist.  How  shall  he 
be  treated  ? I admit  that  this  is  one 
of  the  most  troublesome  questions 
trade-unions  have  to  meet;  trouble- 
some only  because  not  squarely  met. 
Let  us  try  to  face  it  frankly.  The 
trade-union  is  fully  conscious  that  its 
very  existence  depends  upon  its 
ability  to  enforce  the  rule — “no 
working  with  non-unionists.”  It 
sees  in  this  not  only  the  issue  of 
self -protection  and  continued  useful- 
ness, but  ideal  aims.  For  this  it  in- 
sists with  more  pertinacity  than 
ought  else,  and  if  need  be  is  willing 
to  fight  for  it. 

Below  the  surface  of  what  appears 
to  prejudiced  observers  to  be  an  un- 
just and  tyrannical  practice  is  an 


15  — 


economic  foundation.  It  is  the  ex- 
perience of  all  the  great  Trade- 
unions  of  this  and  other  countries 
that  success  never  perched  upon 
their  banners  until  they  insisted  that 
the  position  taken  by  their  own  ad- 
vance lines  for  mutual  interests 
should  not  be  encroached  upon  by 
individual  bushwhackers.  There  is 
no  denying  the  abstract  right  of  a 
workman  to  join,  or  to  decline  to  join, 
a union,  just  as  there  can  be  no  de- 
nial of  the  abstract  right  of  the 
unionist  to  work  with,  or  to  decline 
to  work  with,  the  non-unionist.  But 
when  an  attempt  is  made  by  social 
pressure,  or  otherwise,  to  compel 
non-unionists  to  join  the  union  many 
good  people  deprecate  it,  and  pious 
pulpits  and  pews  are  scandalized ! 

The  nature  of  the  internecine 
conflict  demands  discipline.  First , 
every  union  must  be  not  only  a 
camp^  but  a recruiting  station.  As 
only  in  union  lies  strength,  so  no 
pains  should  be  spared  to  increase 
solidarity.  Every  non-union  man 
should  be  besought  to  enroll,  its  ad-^ 
vantages  shown,  and  inducements 
offered.  Speakers,  tracts,  papers 
should  be  generously  used.  A union 
that  sits  down  supinely  to  mere 
routine  work  is  recreant  to  its  duty. 
The  propaganda  of  its  principles  is 
as  imperative  a duty  as  scanning  its 
books  for  the  delinquents  its  own  in- 
action has  rendered  indifferent.  The 
struggle  is  ever  on.  The  exactions 
of  rent,  interest,  and  profits  are  con- 
tinually competing  to  reduce  wages, 
and  at  any  moment  the  blow  may 
come,  and  the  presence  of  a host  of 
stragglers,  who  have  been  left  un- 
heeded to  gather  on  the  outskirts, 
may  bring  it  the  sooner. 

Second,  necessity  demands  fede- 
rative unity.  The  warfare  has  pass- 
ed out  of  the  political  phase;  it  is 
now  an  economic  struggle  for  po- 
sition between  employer  and  em- 
ployed, and  the  latter,  relying  solely 
on  their  own  strength,  cannot  turn  a 
deaf  ear  to  the  cries  of  those  engag- 
ed on  the  skirmish  line.  The  old, 
siren  song  of  political  aid  from  par- 
tisan prostitutes  no  longer  divides 


our  ranks.  Elections  come  and  go 
and  we  are  unaffected  by  hopes  rest- 
ing on  pledges  unredeemed,  or 
saddened  and  demoralized  by  can- 
didates defeated. 

Third,  discipline  demands  the  os- 
tracism of  the  camp  follower,  ever 
ready  to  accept  the  wages  organized 
action  has  won,  yet  shrinking  from 
assisting  in  the  effort.  On  the  field 
of  action  non-combatants  have  no 
place ; there  is  no  third  line.  In  the 
fierce  struggle  for  position  the 
skulker  not  merely  weakens  the 
lines  of  fellow  wage-worker,  but 
also  directly  or  indirectly  aids  and 
abets  the  enemy.  He  is  the  curse  of 
the  Labor  Movement,  false  to  his 
comrades,  false  to  mutual  interests, 
and  a drag  to  progress.  Both  before 
and  during  a strike  union  doors 
should  always  swing  inward  to  all 
applicants  whom  reason  or  self-in- 
terest may  convince.  But  whoever 
deliberately  refuses  alliance  with 
organized  labor,  who  from  cowardice 
or  selfishness  stays  without  to  skulk 
back  over  the  field,  like  a ghoul  for 
personal  gain,  by  his  or  her  act  be- 
comes an  enemy.  Your  duty  toward 
them  will  be  determined  by  the 
exigencies  of  the  situation.  As  in 
our  civil  war  the  timid  Union  man 
in  the  South,  and  the  blatant  Cop- 
perhead in  the  North,  received  but 
little  respect  from,  either  side,  so  in 
the  industrial  conflict  they  are 
despised  by  those  who  urge  them 
on,  and  disowned  by  their  more  re- 
solute fellows.  “He  who  is  not  with 
us,  is  against  us.” 

Fourth,  our  action  toward  such  is 
dictated  more  by  sorrow  than  hatred. 
We  may  even  respect  the  man  who 
stands  aloof  from  conscientious  mo- 
tives, and  alike  refuses  sympathy  to 
either  side,  however  much  we  may 
deplore  what  we  consider  his  short- 
sightedness. 

Not  only  self-interest  prompts  us, 
but  we  claim  the  sympathy  of  all, 
not  directly  interested  in  our  degra- 
dation, by  the  proven  fact  that  union 
labor  is  the  most  intelligent  and  the 
best  labor.  Higher  wages  bring  in- 
creased wants,  and  the  ability  to 


— 16  — 


gratify  these  greater  intelligence. 
Those  who  flippantly  assume  that 
increased  wTages  augment  cost  cor- 
respondingly, unconsciously  assume 
that  ignorant  and  skilled  labor  pro- 
duce the  same  results;  they  assume 
that  solidarity  does  not  heighten 
productive  capacity;  they  assume 
that  union  rules  have  no  effect  in 
acquiring  a trade  efficiently;  they 
assume  tiiat  the  amount  to  be  pro- 
duced is  a fixed  quantity,  a fallacy 
akin  to  the  wage-fund  theory;  they 
assume  that  the  distribution  of  re- 
ward under  increased  production 
and  higher  wants  must  still  leave 
wages  at  the  level  of  lower  wants,  a 
contradiction  in  itself. 

Every  interest  save  that  of  ex- 
ploiting greed,  and  time-serving  and 
short-sighted  cowardice,  is  thus  on 
the  side  of  the  Unionist.  And  with 
the  intelligence  of  skilled  artisans, 
the  conviction  of  economic  pos- 
sibility, and  the  strength  and  fellow- 
ship of  organization,  he  approaches 
the  skirmish  line  of  to-day,  knowing 
that  victorious  here  he  will  be  the 
better  able  to  meet  the,  as  yet, 
theoretical  requirements  of  the  day 
after  to-morrow. 


X. 

Its  Industrial  Ideal. 

In  this  section  we  must  put  on 
our  thinking  caps,  for  the  whole 
philosophy  of  the  Labor  Movement, 
its  growth,  and  its  ultimate  goal 
will  tax  our  attention.  For  this 
purpose  we  will  take  a bird’s-eye 
view  of  human  progress,  and  try  to 
offset  its  dryness  by  its  brevity.  In 
such  a rapid  glance  at  social  pro- 
gress we  will  distinguish  three 
leading  phases  from  which  a fourth 
is  not  only  foreshadowed,  but  also 
seen  to  be  the  transition  to  that 
which  determines  the  issues  of  the 
day  as  progressive  or  reactionary. 

1.  The  initial  phase  is  that  of  the 
savage,  where  each  labors  for  him- 
self. The  division  of  labor,  by 
which  alone  exchange  of  products 
could  be  furthered,  finds  here  its 
starting  point  by  which  surplus  pro- 
duct could  be  accumulated  and  man 


lifted  above  the  necessity  of  relying 
upon  a mere  hand-to-mouth  exist- 
ence. All  experience  teaches  us 
that  among  those  savage  or  lowly- 
developed  tribes  where  the  fruitful- 
ness of  nature  calls  out  no  incentives 
famines  most  abound.  The  “free 
state  of  nature”  is  accompanied  with 
high  death  rates,  destitution  of  ca- 
pital, and  absence  of  motive. 

2.  The  second  phase  is  that  of 
slavery  where,  by  conquest  or  other- 
wise, some  are  subordinated  to  the 
personal  rule  of  others.  Here  only 
could  division  of  labor  have  its  rise, 
out  of  which  alone  civilization  be- 
came possible.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  motive,  whether  a humane 
feeling  or  a purely  selfish  one,  it 
remains  true  that  when  a tribe  be- 
gan to  save  captives  rather  than 
butchering  them,  not  only  did  eco- 
nomic progress  become  possible  but 
scope  was  given  for  the  development 
of  the  softer  feelings;  the  Human 
was  henceforth  to  slowly  evolve  and 
assume  mastery  over  the  brute  in 
man.  Seen  through  the  prospective 
of  the  ages  this  progress  is  brought 
out  in  all  the  clearer  relief.  Excess 
in  products  became  possible  and  ca- 
pital was  born. 

Though,  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
slavery,  passed  into  serfdom,  'the 
economic  condition  of  the  thrall  was 
not  essentially  changed.  The  ad- 
vantage accruing  still  remained  with 
the  master.  National  wealth  was 
augmented,  but  the  essential  cha- 
racteristic of  this  age,  personal  rule, 
still  dominated. 

3.  The  third  phase  is  that  where- 
in capital  supplants  personal  rule. 
For  centuries  the  contest  waged 
between  the  old  and  the  new,  and  it 
required  the  electric  shock  of  the 
French  Revolution  to  end  the  tran- 
sitional agony  and  definitely  install 
capital.  Henceforth  capital  assumed 
a more  mobile  character.  No  longer 
restricted  to  territorial  area  it  flow- 
ed to  demand,  production  increased, 
and  in  the  furtherance  of  exchange 
the  benefits  slowly  percolated  down- 
ward through  the  mass.  Labor  be- 
came organized  by  capital,  as  we 


— 17  — 


see  it  to-day  (hence  the  strife),  but  I 
in  such  organization  of  productive  | 
capacity  there  lay  the  danger  of 
what  is  called  over-production,  and 
to-day  we  are  facing  the  problem  of 
a phase  of  society  in  which  capital 
rules,  and  a large  and  increasing 
quota  of  labor  becomes  superfluous. 
Labor,  like  its  products,  follows  the 
laws  of  price,  supply  and  demand, 
and  we  are  thus  presented  with  the 
anomaly  of  increased  wealth  leading 
to  increased  destitution.  The  bene- 
fit received  by  the  laborer  has  been 
largely  indirect,  resulting  not  so 
much  from  his  own  exertion  prima- 
rily, as  from  the  sharp  competition 
between  the  holders  of  capital.  This 
has  lowered  prices  by  calling  out 
improved  appliances  for  greater 
production,  and  in  turn  leading  to 
the  inevitable  doom  all  countries 
are  now  trying  to  forestall  by  colo- 
nization, or  new  foreign  markets,  to 
avert  danger  arising  from  an  in- 
creasing superfluous  class  of  non- 
possessors of  capital. 

But  in  seeking  Africa  for  markets, 
grave  doubts  have  arisen  at  home. 
Not  only  the  blind  gropings  of  the 
“superfluous”,  but  the  increased  re- 
liance upon  militant  measures  to 
suppress  industrial  demands,  have 
fastened  attention  upon  the  Labor 
Question.  It  also  indicates  that  we 
are  in  another  transition  period;  the 
issue  being  less  to  doctor  up  a mori- 
bund system  than  to  more  clearly  dis- 
cern the  phase  toward  which  it  leads, 
and  for  which  it  is  preparing  the 
ground  for  future  development. 
Slavery  and  capital,  as  phases  of 
productive  agencies,  through  in- 
creased division  of  labor,  and  there- 
by economy  of  effort,  have  raised 
the  workman  to  an  ever  higher  plane. 
Instead  of  beiLg  the  simple  drudge, 
he  now  thinks,  and  in  this  we  see 
new  evidence  of  the  coming  change. 

4.  The  changes  in  Church,  in 
State,  and  in  Industry  all  indicate 
the  fourth  and  last  phase  to  be  free 
association  as  contra-distinguished 
from  privileged  capital,  as  the  latter 
was  from  slavery.  It  is  not  by  attacks 
upon  capital,  nor  guiding  it  by  fash- 


ioning for  it  a new  harness  under 
collective  control,  but  in  freeing  it 
that  safety  lies,  and  to  this  all 
progress  points. 

One  deduction  may  be  briefly 
stated.  In  the  transition  from 
slavery  to  capital,  it  is  seen  that 
States  have  undergone  revolutions. 
Precisely  as  baronial  sovereignty 
weakened  have  States  changed  in 
character  to  correspond  with  new 
demands.  As  once  they  were  de- 
fenders of  personal  rule,  so  to-day 
they  have  logicahy  become  the 
guardians  and  protectors  of  the  rule 
of  capital.  Its  institution  is  rooted 
in  legalization  by  the  State. 

Thus  in  our  wider  survey  of  the 
field  we  again  reach  the  same  con- 
clusions as  when  studying  the  mo- 
dern development  of  trade-union 
activities.  The  trade-unions  build 
no  system,  yet  in  their  growth  they 
must  involve  a systematic  thought. 
How  far  this  is  apparent  we  have 
partly  seen  in  their  departure  from 
past  methods  to  greater  self-reliance 
and  trust  in  the  power  of  free  as- 
sociation. With  these  fundamental 
principles  to  guide  us  let  us  attempt 
to  obtain  a glimpse  of  the  possibili- 
ties yet  awaiting  the  further  deve- 
lopment of  trade-unionism. 


XI. 

Its  Possibilities. 

With  rare  judgment,  in  my  opin- 
ion, the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  has  persistently  refused  to 
hamper  itself  and  restrict  its  in- 
fluence by  “system  building.”  As 
the  vine  unconsciously  creeps  along 
the  ground  and  up  a stone  wall  to 
some  aperture  through  which  it  may 
grow  intofuller  light  and  life, it  has  at- 
tended to  the  duties  of  the  movement 
and  left  its  development  to  the  un- 
conscious guidance  of  the  industrial 
ideal.  Probably  every  delegated 
member  could,  on  occasion,  suggest 
a “ scheme,”  but  in  their  steady  re- 
fusal to  do  so  their  gaining  strength 
and  influence  lies.  Social  growth  is 
as  natural  as  that  of  the  vine,  but 
the  branches  of  the  human  vine  are 


— 18  — 


apt  to  think  themselves  peculiarly 
qualified  to  prescribe  both  the  nature 
and  direction  of  its  growth,  unaware 
that,  while  they  are  planning,  growth 
is  unceasingly  progressing.  Based 
upon  free  association,  and  without  a 
lengthy  preamble  of  contradictory 
demands,  they  have  more  fully 
shown  the  trend  of  industrial 
thought  than  has  been  shown  else- 
where. 

The  basis  of  legislation  is  stated 
in  the  general  rule  to  be  the  promo- 
tion of  the  general  welfare  and  the 
maintenance  of  civil  order.  Here 
monarchies,  aristocracies,  and  re- 
publics differ  widely;  but  all  agree 
that  legislative  tinkering  is  an  im- 
perative want,  and  that  some  men, 
even  waiving  the  exploded  claim  of 
“divine  right,”  are  born  to  direct 
others,  as  in  monarchies;  are  best 
fitted  by  virtue  of  blood  and  wealth 
to  govern  their  fellow-mortals,  as  in 
aristocracies;  or  may  be  selected  by 
political  lottery  for  the  task,  and, 
through  the  alchemy  of  an  appeal 
to  general  ignorance,  become  en- 
dowed with  wisdom,  as  with  us.  The 
industrial  ideal,  even  on  the  limited 
scale  in  which  trade  unionism  rep- 
resents voluntary  co-operation,  or 
free  association,  illustrates  the 
possibility  of  a social  administration 
as  a matter  of  mutual  arrangement, 
rather  than  of  collective  interference. 

But  the  change  of  attitude,  al- 
ready alluded  to,  on  the  question  of 
securing  a reduction  of  the  hours  of 
labor,  is  a case  of  deep  significance. 
In  the  present  conflict  politics  has 
cut  no  figure.  The  workers  rely 
more  upon  themselves,  and  all  they 
have  to  ask  of  the  State  is  “ hands 
off.”  This  means  more  than  surface 
indications  seem  to  denote.  The 
lesson  of  this  struggle  may  be  brief- 
ly summarized  in  the  following 
j>ropositions,  each  of  which  is 
capable  of  demonstration. 

1 .  The  essential  difference  between 
the  present  struggle  for  eight  hours 
and  previous  ones  lies  in  the  fact 
that  the  workers  are  more  self- 
reliant,  and  dependent  only  on  their 
own  resources  to  control  supply. 


2.  This  difference  is  still  further  il- 
lustrated by  the  fact  that,  as  recently 
as  1886,  the  movement  was  charac- 
terized by  the  enthusiasm  of  raw 
recruits,  while  to-day  it  is  under  the 
guidance  of  drilled  and  disciplined 
forces.  The  noise  and  excitement 
of  the  past  has  given  place  to  cool 
and  calnTdetermination,  and  moves 
are  not  inconsiderately  made,  but 
are  under  the  guidance  of  judgment 
rather  than  of  sentiment. 

3.  This  state  of  affairs  carries  with 
it  the  fact  that  the  logic  of  unionism 
is  not  only  to  solidify  trades,  but  to 
promote  solidarity  by  affiliated 
federation,  thus  promoting  identity 
of  ultimate  aims.  That  is,  trade- 
unions  are  no  longer  isolated  bodies 
without  mutual  interests,  but  con- 
jointly interdependent  and  rallying 
around  a common  standard  with 
deeper  conviction  of  mutual  interests. 

4.  This  evident  fact  also  shows 
that  under  the  spirit  of  unionism, 
and  rising  to  conscious  perceptions, 
not  only  is  solidarity  being  attained, 
but  there  is  arising  the  nucleus  of 
an  industrial  force  which  will  even- 
tually contest  with  the  militant 
organization  of  capitalism  the  direc- 
tion of  industrial  activity.  Further, 
it  proves  that  this  increasing  mutu- 
alism is  in  the  line  of  resistance  to 
invasion,  that  is,  an  assertion  of 
equal  freedom,  a grim  determina- 
tion that  militant  “bossism”  shall 
not  manipulate  supjfly  and  demand 
for  private  gain  at  others’  expense. 

5.  Facts  justify  us  in  asserting  that 
uuionism  is  developing  manly  self- 
reliance  ; a conviction  that  the 
alleged  “iron  law  of  wages”  cannot 
maintain  itself  against  united  action ; 
that  relief  lies  only  in  self-help. 

6.  This  growing  spirit  of  indepen- 
dence presages  the  near  future,  in 
which  organized  labor  will  no 
longer  contest  on  the  old  grounds, 
but  step  into  the  market  and  contract 
for  itself  and  under  its  own 
guidance  furnish  the  required  labor 
supply  without  asking  the  aid  of 
an  intermediate  “boss.”  One  of  the 
building  trades,  for  instance,  may 
yet  settle  a “ strike  ” in  this  manner, 


through  their  central  council  making 
their  own  contracts;  and  thus,  in- 
stead of  leaving  industry  at  a stand- 
still, be  instrumental  in  placing  it 
on  a free  co-operative  basis. 

7.  This  step,  by  no  means  a remote 
possibility,  will  have  far  wider  effect 
than  many  may  now  imagine.  The 
unions,  in  undertaking  to  contract, 
cannot  rest  content  with  eliminating 
the  “ master”;  they  must  necessarily 
feel  the  need  of  capitalizing  their 
own  resources  and  capacities;  of 
supplying,  by  their  own  exertions, 
the  intangible  force  by  which  labor 
alone  is  rendered  truly  produc- 
tive. 

This  means  that  under  the  grow- 
ing mutualism  of  the  industrial 
forces  now  going  on,  the  inevitable 
result  of  increased  leisure  and  in- 
telligence will  bring  into  operation 
an  industrial  army  capable  of  com- 
bining capital  and  labor,  and  thus  ■ 


work  out  the  problem  of  labor’s 
emancipation.  However  militant  in 
present  organization,  by  thus  cripp- 
ling their  foes  by  capitalizing  their 
own  resources,  the  industrial  system 
will  swing  into  operation,  and  peace 
be  attained  in  victory. 

The  lesson  of  the  hour,  therefore, 
is  build  up  your  unions,  and  the 
growing  spirit  of  mutualism  and  in- 
terdependence for  self-interest  will 
directly  tend  to  encourage  self-re- 
liance and  individuality.  In  the 
trade-union  and  its  legitimate  out- 
growth, lies  not  only  the  hope  of  the 
future,  but  the  key  to  the  emancipa- 
tion of  labor.  To  sum  up,  the 
security  for  wages  lies  in  increased 
capital  and  the  enlargement  of 
enterprise,  to  both  of  which  desir- 
able ends  the  logic  of  events  is  forc- 
ing the  trade  unions  .of  to-morrow. 

Such  I believe  to  be  the  philosophy 
of  trade- unions. 


I 

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